Healing Boom in Japan

Below is the summary of "The Social Construction of Consumer Needs: A Content Analysis of the Healing Boom in Japan". This research was published in two Japanese academic journals in 2004. I am now revising the original version and translating it into English. If you are interested, please give me your advice to improve my research.

This paper analyzes the developing process of the healing boom in Japan at the end of 1990s. This boom is very different from other booms in two ways. First, many firms belonging to different industries have launched a large number of healing products/services since mid-1990s. Second, as a consequence of this massive market entry, the meaning of healing accepted by consumers changed drastically.

According to Kohjien, the most famous Japanese dictionary, the verb Iyasu (heal) means to cure somebody’s disease or injury; satisfy hunger, or remove emotional pain. But the explanation of Iyashi Sijoh (the market of healing) in Gendai yogo no Kiso Chisiki (Encyclopedia of Contemporary Words) 2003 Edition, published by Jiyukokumin-sha, is fundamentally different from the traditional explanation. The encyclopedia explains that Iyashi Sijoh is the market of goods and services useful to create psychological security, and nowadays various kinds of consumer goods such as books, music, paintings, movies, massage, drink, food, and clothing to make us feel relaxed fall under this rubric. This change of definitions seems to show that the word healing has moved from spiritual dimension to material dimension, and the practice of satisfying one’s need for healing by consuming goods and services sold in market has been firmly established. It is reasonable to suppose that needs for healing are socially constructed.

This paper focuses on the process of the social construction of healing needs and explains the process as a consequence of firms’ continuous mimetic behavior caused by “theorization” about the boom (Strang and Mayer 1993). In consumer goods/service industries, a boom is not unusual in one industry. But the phenomenon of firms in various industries participating in one boom, such as the healing boom is very unique. Nikkei Marketing Journal explained that the healing boom was triggered by the consumers who suffered serious stress caused by bothersome human relations and economic pressures in the long depression of the Lost Decade (the 1990s) and needed to be healed, and many firms supplied various goods/services to respond to this perceived need. Although this explanation is dominant in marketing discourse, we think that consumers’ needs are one of the reasons for the rapid emergence of numerous healing products/services but not the only one, and the firms’ continuous mimetic behavior and the discourse featuring the boom are more important reason.

To verify this assumption, we investigated both the collective behavior of firms and the discourse prevailed in mass media. On the one hand, we investigated all the healing products/services launched from 1988 to 2001. Using NIKKEI TELECON 21, the database of leading Japanese economic newspapers such as Nihonkeizaishinbun and Nikkei Marketing Journal, we collected 1,162 newspaper articles containing the keyword Iyashi (healing in Japanese) and Hiiring (healing as a loan word).

On the other hand, we investigated two kinds of discourse about healing boom. To understand how this boom was explained by marketing experts, we analyzed the contents of 1,162 newspaper articles qualitatively. In addition, to find the difference among discourses revealed to various market segments (e.g. men vs. women), we conducted a content analysis of 1,984 article titles containing both Iyashi and Hiiring from 441 types of magazines issued from 1985 to 2001. These titles are collected from the Oya Soichi Bunko Magazine Article Index CD-ROM database, which covers popular magazines such as hobbies, entertainment, and true-life stories.

From these data sets, I found that 542 healing products/services were launched during this period and the number of healing products/services launched increased rapidly in 1999 and 2000. Besides the rapid increase in products/services launched in 1999, massive publicity campaigns by prestigious mass media companies started. In this year, calm piano music Energy Flow composed and performed by world the famous musician Ryuichi Sakamoto and used as the background music in a TV commercial for a vitamin drink became a hit song. At the same time, the dog robot AIBO manufactured by Sony became popular. Although Mr. Sakamoto and Sony did not intend to appeal to the healing function of their products, mass media such as Nikkei Marketing Journal diffused this interpretation and they were both welcomed by consumers a fitting their needs for healing. Nikkei Marketing Journal gave AIBO their Hittoshohin Banzuke (Annual Award for Hit Products) at the end of this year. Furthermore, Jiyukokumin-sha awarded the word Iyashi as the new word representing the atmosphere of the year in Ryukogo Taisho (Annual Award for New/Trendy Word). After this massive publicity campaign, many firms rushed into healing market. These developments show that the rapid development of the healing market cannot be explained only by the consumers’ needs. The massive publicity campaign by the mass media and the firms’ trying to grasp the new financial opportunity contributed significantly to the rapid growth of the healing boom.

This boom can be understood by applying the framework of institutional theory (Powell and DiMaggio 1991), which is useful for analyzing the socio-historic patterning of consumption, an important research program in Consumer Culture Theory (Arnold and Thompson 2005). We think the Japanese firms’ mimetic behavior is both the cause and consequence of cognitive institutionalization of healing. Cognitive institution means shared conceptions that constitute the nature of social reality and frames through which meaning is made (Scott 2001). The shared conceptions of the healing boom is the belief that consumers are fatigued due to stressful urban life and seriously hope to be relaxed, resulting in many business opportunities in the healing market. This cognitive institution triggered by massive media campaign was established around 1999, and since then both the consumers and firms shared conceptions of their life worlds and soon took it for granted (Berger and Luckmann 1966). Establishment of the shared conceptions has been enhanced by firms’ mimetic behaviors and mass media’s agenda setting. Consumers’ needs for healing were not created by the socio-economic environment, but were socially constructed through the interaction among firms, mass media, and consumers.

In marketing discourse, the explanation that consumer needs create market phenomena is dominant, supposedly because of the strong influence of the “marketing concept” which emphasizes customer orientation and consumer sovereignty. But the healing boom is instead explained by firms’ mimetic behaviors and the mass media’s publicity campaign. Although consumers are not the cultural dupes of an affluent society (Galbraith 1958), they are not sovereign, and their preferences are not private, free and rational (Slater 1997). This case of Japanese healing boom gives us an opportunity to reconsider the dynamics of market phenomena and consumer needs.

Energy Flow - Ryuichi Sakamoto (1999)

Strang and Meyer (1993)

Below is a summary of and my comment about David Strang and John W. Meyer (1993), "Institutional Conditions for Diffusion, " Theory and Society, 22 (4), 487-511. JSTOR

Summary

This theoretical paper tries to suggest how institutional conditions affect the rate and form of diffusion. Contrary to dominant diffusion research focusing on connectedness among adopters, they emphasize the influence of theorized accounts of practices (innovation) and those adopters.

This paper points out the feature and weakness of prevailing theory of diffusion, which is generally reviewed by Everett Rogers. It can be summarized in three. First, they suppose “sociological realism,” paying attention to mapping direct contacts between prior and potential adopters. Actors are considered as purposive and rational, and they and their network relations are understood as jointly providing a sufficient basis for the explanation of social behavior. Second, their model is relational. The of rates of diffusion should vary with levels of interaction between prior and potential adaptors. Many analyses treat diffusion as a spatial process, where probability of transmission is some function of geographical distance. Third, rationalities are emphasized. Practices are adopted to the extent that they appear more effective or efficient than the alternative.

The authors insist that rapid and unstructured diffusion observed in modern world system such as educational practices among American states cannot be predicted with the prevailing theory. and that we need adopt new theoretical framework. As an alternative model, the authors present the concept of “theorization.” Theorization means “the self-conscious development and specification of abstract categories and the formulation of patterned relationship such as chains of cause and effect” (p. 492). Diffusion is accelerated and redirected by their theorization. Among the examples they show, most striking is the one that Marxist theorization of world-history hasten the diffusion of socialist revolution.

Theorization prompts diffusion in three ways. First, by proposing homogeneities within populations of adopters, theorization motivate them to acquire practices. They predict that similar practices can be adopted by all members of a theoretically defined population, with similar effects. Second, by abstracting properties of practices and specifying the outcomes they produce, theorization make it easier to perceive and communicate about the practice to potential adopters. Also, theorization documents the many virtues involved in practices, in terms of standardized notions of efficacy or justice or progress. These two theorization are jointed in many cases. As an example, the authors indicate that Simonean information processing theory and organizational practice/structure are interpenetrated. Third, theorists themselves become central conduits of diffusion, as Harvard economists was active in bringing Keynesian fiscal policy to Washington.

When theorization shapes diffusion, what flows is not a copy of some practice existing elsewhere, but the theoretical model of the diffusing practice. Theorization facilitates communication between strangers by providing a language that does not presume direct shared experience. Theorized diffusion is also likely to be relatively unconstrained by relational structure. Theorization permits the actor to see through the confusing evidence of others’ mixed successes and detect the “true” factors at work. In short, theorization may be regarded as turning diffusion into rational choice.

The authors consider diffusion as modern phenomenon. Many previous diffusion research have studied marginally modern peoples exposed to modern practices. But in the contemporary world, both practices and adopters are likely to be modern.

Comment

I think this paper has two strength. One is that they introduced discourse ("theorization" in this paper) about the diffusing innovation ("practices" in this paper) into the analytical framework of diffusion research. This make it possible to analyze what Giddens called dualities of structure. In modern society, everybody is a theorist. We, from individual to organization to nation state, try to understand and explain rationally what we see, hear, and experience. Professionals and/or mass media provide tools for constructing our explanations. This tool is exactly "theorization" Strang and Meyer explained. For example, to understand the dynamic process of fads in fashion industry, we must consider not only the diffusion process of fashion item but also the discourse about it. Because there is not clear criteria such as efficiency and effectiveness to evaluate products in fashion, the influence of discourse prevailed in mass media (e.g. magazines) cannot be ignored to analyze the diffusion process.

Another strength of this paper is that they pointed out the features of dominant diffusion research clearly. In total, they raised four points. First three can be called as 3Rs (realism, rationality, and rationality). Although these points are sharp enough, the forth, the assumption about the laggardness of potential adopters, is more important. In modern world, adopters are not so ignorant as those in premodern world who adopted boiled drinking water introduced by advanced countries. By finding this tacit assumption, I realized for the first time why the framework summarized by Rogers explain the phenomenon of fads and fashion observed in Japan (or US) partially and insufficiently.

Contrary to the sharp theoretical analysis, the discussion about the methodology to grasp theorization is not enough, I think. How can theorization be operationalized? To understand the interpenetration process of discourse and behavior explained by them, we must compare the data sets of the two. Making the data of the behavior is relatively easy, but analyzing discourse, mostly text data, is very completed and time consuming. Discourse should be analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. To use quantitative analysis, the technique of content analysis and text mining should be elaborated. In this point, Eric Abrahamson's analysis of management fashion is very useful.

Britney and Shinzo

Shinzo Abe announced his resignation as Japan’s prime minister on Wednesday. Japanese mass media, which had been obsessed with attacking his lack of leadership and his fellows' scandals for many months, is now crazy about predicting his successor. I bet that many news related to his abrupt decision and the election for next president of LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) are filled with on TV, newspapers and weekly magazines in Japan.

But here, while news websites such as CNN reported it as a breaking news, TV news programs didn't report his resignation as far as I know. My roommate at our office, who seldom watch TV, knew this news on New York Time's website. I realize that Japan's presence is weak on US TV media (and perhaps for US people) as many Japanese in US lament. Outstanding on TV recently is not only Bush's Iraq policy but also Britney Spears' poor performance at the MTV Video Music Awards (VMAs).

I casually watched her at VMAs on last weekend. She was just strange. She was visually nervous. She was barely moving. As PM Abe had been for several months, She seemed lack of energy on her stage. It's a great pity that most popular pop star and our prime minister become like zombies.

As US people don't know much about the "big" news from far east island, Japanese people don't know how absorbing topic Britney's "disaster" is here, I imagine. Our world has not been flat yet. Media environment in different society constitute diffrent reality. Maybe I will experience counter culture shock when going back to Japan in future.

(You can move to the reports by CNN if click each picture.)

To sir, with Love

Watching TV here is very interesting because TV service and program in US are different from Japanese one. What I found so far is three points.

First, the mainstream of broadcasting system is different. Terrestrial television (free TV) is dominant in Japan, but cable TV (CATV) is in US. Although satellite and CATV broadcasting become popular recently in Japan, the majority mainly watch terrestrial television with no charge. If you have a TV set and connect it to an antenna, you can enjoy programs immediately (to be precise, only NHK, quasi-national broadcaster, collects viewing fee, but anyway you can watch their program on your TV set weather you pay or not). But, here, we cannot watch anything without subscribing CATV service with monthly charge.

Second, the number of channels offered is quite different. In Japan, most people generally watch seven free TV channels. On the contrary, majority of American TV viewers seem enjoy far much more channels. For example, Patriot Media's Full Basic I use now has nearly one hundred channels. This package is second cheapest one among their service line. If I pay more, I can enjoy two or three hundreds.

Third, because of the diversity of channels, viewers in US can enjoy various programs everyday. Such special channels as Food Network and Comedy Central can't be expected on Japanese free TV. Also, some channels are designed exclusively for Christianity, and others are for Spanish speakers. Even Princeton University has their local channel. This diversity of choice is very attractive to TV viewers.

But it is a irony that huge amount of channels offers the digital video recorder industry such as TiVo a business opportunity to gain customers who feel inconvenient to find their favorite programs from thousands of choices. Freedom of choice is sometimes the burden on consumers' decision making, as information processing theory insists.

As for me, I enjoy freedom of choosing TV programs so far. On TCM (Turner Classic Movies), I found a good old movie, To sir, with Love. According to Wikipedia, this movie, released in 1967, is "a British film starring Sidney Poitier that deals with social issues, especially racism, in an inner city school." I like the story about an idealistic teacher because I am also a teacher (but I don't hope to be in his position). This movie seems a classic one in this genre.

Not only the plot, but also schoolgirls' Swinging London fashion is fascinating. But most attractive part in this movie is its title song "To Sir, with Love", sung by Lulu. This is the main point I want say on this post.


To Sir, With Love - Lulu

Those schoolgirl days of telling tales and biting nails are gone
But in my mind I know they will still live on and on
But how do you thank someone who has taken you from crayons to perfume?
It isn't easy, but I'll try

If you wanted the sky I would write across the sky in letters
That would soar a thousand feet high 'To Sir, With Love'

The time has come for closing books and long last looks must end
And as I leave I know that I am leaving my best friend
A friend who taught me right from wrong and weak from strong
That's a lot to learn, but what can I give you in return?

If you wanted the moon I would try to make a start
But I would rather you let me give my heart 'To Sir, With Love'

Buying a Car

At the dealer: "scare copy" or truth?

The car you looked at today and want to think about until tomorrow may be the same car someone else looked at yesterday and will buy today.




Three weeks has passed after my arrival on US. I finished every paperwork related to my stay in US, and bought a car. Yes, I have got Suzuki Aerio 2004. Not sexy at all, but maybe useful enough. I bought it about two weeks ago. This car is fine till now. But there was an incident about the car in fact, I should confess. On the next day of the purchase, Sunday when the dealer closed, I could not start the engine because of the battery trouble, so I payed fifty five dollars to the gas station only for jumping it. But, on the next day of the trouble, the dealer apologized me, replaced it to brand new one, and refunded me the fifty five dollars. Tom, the salesperson at Suzuki, is a reliable person.

I tell you the story how I finally decided to buy Suzuki as follows. Even now I am not certain that my purchase was smart. But anyway, my experience may be useful for foreigners who want to buy a car in US.

At first I thought that buying a used car was best. I visited several dealers. Aggressive salespersons introduced me a lot of cars, saying that those were best among their inventory and meet my need. But I could not understand how to find the most suitable one for me because I have no experience to buy used car even in Japan. What should I check when I talk with salesepersons and test-drive cars? Appearance (many cars are so dirty)? Brake (if there is any problem, I will die)? Engine (I listened to the sound, but found no answer)? Miles (the ratio of mile and year seems to be important)? I was just confused.

In addition, many websites on used cars warns me that dealers try to sell consumers lemon (i.e. defective cars). So I changed my idea. I'll buy a new car so that I don't have to worry about its quality and enjoy the warranty from the manufacturer.

But I immediately found that new cars are just too expensive. Because I am a foreigner arrived recently, I cannot use loan or lease. I have to pay in cash. Above all, I have to sell my car one year and half later when I go back to Japan. Several alespersons told me that the depreciation of new cars are faster than old ones. These two problems of new car made me change my idea again. I'll buy a used car.

I found Nissan Maxima 2000 with low mileage (about 61,000 miles) at some dealer. This car with 3.0 liter engine is a bit big for me because only I use it. But the cost performance is very good. Also, the salesperson (I will call him "Pooh") was patient to explain me the detail of the car and its insurance when I asked him to speak slowly and repeat what he said many times. At that time, I was about decided to buy it, but didn't pay the deposit on it, because I am very cautious about the purchase.

After going home, I visited Kelley Blue Book to reduce my "cognitive dissonance". All right, the price of my Maxima is cheaper than Trade-In Value on the Book. But I found that some websites recommended me to check the Carfax information about the car I will buy. Carfax is an Internet web site offering vehicle history information about used automobiles.

On the next day, I visited the dealer again, asking Pooh to show me the Carfax data. He said "OK" and printed it out. After scanning it quickly, he was strangely reluctant to pass it to me and tried to change the topic. I asked him again to show it. After all, he gave me the document.

The data showed that Maxima's mileage is more than 100,000. I asked Pooh about the difference. He replied me that the shop which repaired the car before made a mistake and he would ask them to correct it. I felt dubious of his sincerity. But, finally, I gave him the deposit under the condition that it was refundable unless the Carfax data was updated. I became tired of buying a car and wanted to finish it as soon as possible.

Am I wise? Is that a lemon? I became increasingly anxious.

This is a bit long story. So, continued.